Showing posts with label policy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label policy. Show all posts

Friday, 8 February 2013

Youth Media & the Irish Presidency: Vulnerable Families – What can Europe do?

Closing Plenary, Vulnerable Families Conference.
Photo: Órla Ryan
A CONFERENCE jointly organised by the Confederation of Family Organisations in the European Union (COFACE) and the Irish Countrywomen's Association (ICA).

Location: Dublin City Hall
Date: 5 February
Day 2 Summary


"I'm the world's biggest loser: I lost my place in the workforce; my friends; my social life; my pension rights; €12 of my carer's allowance - take any more and I'll lose my mind."

These were the last words the audience heard from the Head of Living Conditions at Eurofound during the Closing Plenary of the conference. By sharing this quote from an Irish carer, Richard Anderson also shared an insight into how difficult a carer's life can be.

"Research in Europe points consistently to carers of dependent children, adults or elderly relatives as particularly at risk of low income, of lack of information, of illness, isolation and basically invisibility for policy and practitioners, and these are the essential problems to which we need to respond and ask what contribution the European agenda can bring.

" . . . Many carers today are exposed to poverty and exclusion because they are not able to reconcile their care responsibilities with employment, and the alternative to employment is social benefits and public assistance which, as we all know across member states, are being challenged by austerity measures," Mr Anderson stated.

He spoke of the need to ensure the dignity of both those who require care and the carers themselves, adding that the EU has a responsibility to recognise carers in terms of legislation and support.

Carers were just one of a number of vulnerable groups discussed at the event.

The initial section of Day 2 was split into four breakout forums:
- Vulnerability due to ill health, mental health issues, disability, care;
- Extreme vulnerability - families outside of the reach of services;
- Vulnerability due to joblessness and lack of skills;
- Parenting support services.

These sessions included speakers from several Irish and European bodies including One Family (Ireland), Väestöliitto (the Family Federation, Finland) and SOS Children's Villages International (Austria).


"Extreme vulnerability stems from non-recognition, lack of visibility and stigma"
- William Lay (former director of COFACE), Chair of Extreme Vulnerability Talk

This session centred on Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender families; migrant families and women (both documented and undocumented); Roma families and those at risk of or experiencing homelessness.

Moninne Griffith, Director of Marriage Equality, gave a presentation on the vulnerability of LGBT families in Ireland.

"The Irish Constitution only recognises families based on marriage, so all the various diverse families that exist - be they of foster families, carers, families with different relatives caring for children - unfortunately don't fit that description and therefore are outside the scope of  protection and are exposed to extra vulnerability, and that includes LGBT families," Ms Griffith asserted.

She said the Civil Partnership legislation that was introduced here in 2011 "ignored the fact that many same sex couples have children" and "created a legal vacuum for these families". Marriage Equality's 'Missing Pieces' report highlights 160 statutory differences between civil partnership and marriage.

"Irish laws and public policy have not kept up with the changing reality of Irish families and largely ignore the children being raised by a parent or parents who are LGBT," Ms Griffith added. 

Discrimination and the failure of health services to recognise the statuses of such families were listed as other areas of particular concern in this regard.

In terms of migrant families and women, Elvira Mendez of Salud y Familia (Health and Family, Spain) stated that "second chances are crucial" when people seek help.

This sentiment was echoed by Ruth Owen of Feantsa (the European Federation of National Organisations Working with the Homeless). The group's 2012 Report 'On the Way Home?' analysed the main trends regarding homelessness in 21 countries over the past five years. Ireland was one of a number of member states that noted an increase in homelessness in three key demographics: youth, immigrants and women.

In the post-presentation discussion, Gráinne Healy, Chairperson of Marriage Equality and former Chair of the National Women's Council of Ireland, noted the intersectionality between the vulnerable groups in question and spoke of the moral imperative of protecting adults and children alike.

The current situation in the EU, and indeed beyond, was succinctly summarised by the President of COFACE, Annemie Drieskens, at the close of the conference: "Even with our best intentions and political will, so far we have failed to prevent further impoverishment." She listed growing inequality and youth unemployment as illustrations of this and described the latter as  a "ticking time bomb for societal change never seen before".

Should this bomb detonate, it will no doubt be the most vulnerable that will once again bear the brunt of the catastrophic consequences. As a union, we must act at every level - from grassroots to policy making - to ensure it is our services and support systems for such families, not this explosive device, that remain viable.


This article also appears on the European Movement Ireland website.

Friday, 14 December 2012

Clientelist Culture - Holding Back Ireland's Political Policies?

Image c/o Broadsheet.ie
THE IRISH political system is littered with oddities - before one even begins to discuss individuals. Some of these anomalies have led to the culture of clientelism that exists in our country. TDs have two roles - firstly that of legislator and, secondly, local dignitary and promoter. In Irish eyes, the latter is usually deemed more important.

Political parties often choose to contest an election on local issues¹, to the detriment of policy formation and legislation. And who could blame them? From 1922-1997, 34 per cent of TDs who lost their seats did so to a running mate. Our electoral system - Proportional Representation by means of a Single Transferable Vote in a Multi-Seat Constituency (PR-STV) - pits members of the same party against each other. Given the fact they cannot differentiate themselves from their peers on ideological issues, they must do so in terms of constituency work. In the 2002 General Election, the 14 Independent seats went to candidates who argued that their constituencies were not receiving enough government funding, particularly in terms of the ever-emotive area of health services.²

Clientelism exists for a number of reasons. Ireland's colonial background has created a history of alienation from central government, stemming back to British Rule. The urban-rural divide or 'us and them' mentality is also a factor in this regard. In the 1960s Basil Chubb, one of the first political commentators of the modern era, stated: "For generations, Irish people saw that, to get the benefits the public authorities bestow, the help of a man with connections and influence was necessary. All that democracy has meant is that such a man has been laid on officially, as it were, and is now no longer a master but a servant."³

Article 16.2.6 of the 1937 Irish Constitution states that a TD can represent a maximum of 30,000 citizens. One might assume that this relatively small ratio would enable politicians to spend the majority of their time focusing on their primary role of legislator. This, however, is not the case. The scale of society means that TDs can hold up to four 'clinics' a week, where they listen to the grievances of their constituents and, essentially, are asked for favours.

Many people still hold the opinion that one must know someone with "pull" in order to receive the State benefits they are entitled to. However, politicians often access facilities rather than provide them. They have experience of dealing with our particular brand of bureaucracy and know how to navigate the often complex maze that is Irish red tape. Meticulous applications for planning permission and social welfare benefits could well be as effective, if not more so, than supposed political intervention. Whether or not TDs actually exercise any influence on a decision that affects their constituency, or a member of it, is much debated. It has been claimed that they rarely objectively impact such decisions but merely create imaginary patronage through an "illusion of assistance" aided by advance knowledge of the outcome.³

This type of activity is systemic and cabinet ministers are seemingly as prone to engage in the process of brokerage as their lesser-known peers. The resignation of the Junior Minister for Health, Labour's Róisín Shortall, in September - over what she labelled "stroke politics" by Minister for Health James Reilly - highlighted this fact. Two locations in his north Dublin constituency were added to a list of places chosen for primary care centres on the evening before they were announced by the Government. The HSE and Ms Shortall had drawn up a priority list of locations in terms of need for the service. On it, Balbriggan ranked 44th and Swords was placed in 130th position. There were 36 locations on the final list. Despite near constant allegations, Mr Reilly has repeatedly denied localism played a part in the last minute additions. Last week's austere budget has deflected some attention from this particular issue but the argument still rumbles on.

Clientelism keeps politicians in touch with local issues but, unfortunately, its negative consequences far outweigh the positive ones. Clientelism disorganises the poor and vulnerable in society as it prevents them from grouping together and attempting to bring about real social and political change.³ It increases resentment and a feeling of exclusion for those who disagree with or do not engage in the practice.³ It also makes it extremely difficult for new politicians to break through and pump much needed fresh blood into the body of the Irish government.³

President Michael D Higgins previously stated that clientelism "seriously sells us short and distracts attention from the real basis of economic exploitation, political domination and ideological manipulation in Irish society".³ It seems that the process, like many contentious Irish political issues, isn't going away any time soon. Perhaps if our elected representatives spent more time dealing with their primary role of policy making, better decisions - both in terms of investment and cutbacks - might be made.


References:

¹ Adshead, M and Tonge, J (2009) Politics in Ireland, Palgrave Macmillan
² Gallagher, M; Marsh, M and Mitchell, P (2003) How Ireland Voted 2002, Palgrave Macmillan
³ Higgins, MD (2008) Causes for Concern: Irish Politics, Culture and Society, Liberties Press