The fight for gender equality must continue - Christine Lagarde

THE FIRST ever female head of the IMF has warned Irish women of the danger of becoming complacent in the fight for equal rights. 

Tricia Purcell, Christine Lagarde & Órla Ryan. Photo: Ruth McCourt

Christine Lagarde said female participation in politics and business is still too low in Ireland and she encouraged women not to “take things for granted”.

“Assume that you can do just as well as everybody else, including boys. If people don’t respect you or accept you, leave them to it, they don’t deserve you,” said Ms Lagarde in Dublin today.

The former French Finance Minister is in favour of quotas, but this was not always the case, saying in the past she found them “offensive”. However, she now feels they should be implemented temporarily to kick-start increased female involvement in politics.

“Once a threshold has been reached… we can do away with quotas and demonstrate on our own merits that we can be trusted, that we can contribute, that we deserve to be elected, hired or promoted,” she stated.

She cited the French Senate and Nordic countries as examples of where gender quotas have been effective in increasing female representation in parliament and on company boards.

“At the end of the day, people will have to be convinced that [women] bring something to the table,” Ms Lagarde added.

As her visit coincides with International Women’s Day, she will meet with a number of eminent Irish women today.

Despite the advancements of women, Ms Lagarde feels like we still have a long way to go to achieve full equality.

“If you look at the payslip of a woman and the payslip of a man doing the same job, I can bet you that there is at least a 15, if not 20 per cent, difference between the two. So yes we must continue to fight and we must enlarge the circle of those who fight with us.”

She recalled how her own mother was unable to open a bank account without her father’s permission, “not that long ago”.

Ms Lagarde’s path to becoming one of the most influential women in the world was not an easy one, saying she often faced “scepticism and cynicism”.

“You would walk into a room… and people sitting there say or think to themselves ‘Hmm, she’s just a woman, she has no idea, but let’s be polite, let’s listen’.”

For women who are starting their careers, she advised: “Never give up, grit your teeth and smile.”



- By Órla Ryan and Tricia Purcell, student journalists with Youth Media and the Irish Presidency - a Youth in Action funded initiative run by European Movement Ireland

This article also features on TheDailyShift.ie and EuropeanMovement.ie

The Ruby Isle

Many onlookers – both in and outside the Emerald Isle – could be forgiven for thinking they had somehow wandered into a time warp. It’s been 21 years since the X Case sparked a fierce debate on abortion in Ireland. Órla Ryan looks at how precious little has changed over the last two decades.

Image c/o WorldAbortionLaws.com

DEFYING its natural and expected tendency to be green, Ireland sits as a lone red spec on this particular map. 

Flanked by the pale blue depths of the Atlantic Ocean and Irish Sea, our little country provides a shameful global centre piece.

The World Abortion Laws map indicates which nations have legalised abortion and to what extent. Red indicates that abortion is prohibited outrightly or allowed if the mother’s life is deemed at risk.

Irish law on the subject, or rather the lack thereof, is less progressive than similar legislation in many developing countries, including India – birthplace of Savita Halappanavar.

Her tragic death last year re-ignited one of the most schism-inducing debates in Ireland.

Mrs Halappanavar (31) was 17 weeks pregnant and miscarrying when she attended Galway University Hospital on October 21.

Her husband Praveen claims they were told "this is a Catholic country” and refused a termination due to the presence of a foetal heartbeat.

An official investigation has found that an abortion had the potential to save her life.

“When you peel the layer, there are extremely conservative cultural practices that continue [in this country],” notes gender equality expert Dr Nata Duvvury.

“Ireland has exported its problems to the UK,” she adds. Approximately 4,000 women travel from Ireland to the UK for a termination each year.

In January, the Oireachtas Committee on Health and Children held three days of hearings on abortion. The Government is due to announce plans for legislation in the near future – however confusion remains supreme as to whether or not a suicide risk clause will be incorporated.

“We also have a rampant epidemic of mental illness which is not recognised [in the abortion debate],” maintains Dr Duvvury.

The women's rights activist lectures in NUI Galway’s School of Political Science & Sociology and approaches the abortion argument from a developmental angle – namely the impact it has on women’s health and maternal mortality, poverty and population control.

At the UN-organised International Conference on Population and Development in Egypt in 1994, 179 governments signed a commitment to prevent unsafe abortions. Since then over 25 of these countries have liberated abortion laws, while a handful have tightened legal restrictions. 

In developing countries, a woman dies as a result of an unsafe abortion every eight minutes – this accounts for 13pc of maternal mortality deaths globally. Approximately 68,000 such procedures are carried out annually.

A woman’s bodily autonomy is something we often take for granted in the western world.

“Abortion is actually code for a much larger discussion on women’s empowerment,” states Dr Duvvury.

Research in India has shown that many impoverished women who have their ‘tubes tied’ as a result of medical advice view the process as one which enables them, possibly secretly, to end the patriarchal control their partners often exercise over their bodies.

Abortion isn’t the only reproduction-related area which exits in a legislative vacuum in Ireland. Yesterday, the genetic parents of twins born to a surrogate won their landmark High Court case to have the biological mother legally recognised as such.

During the case, Mr Justice Abbott rejected submissions by the State that the pro-life Constitutional amendment confirmed the birth mother as the legal mother.

Scientific and medical developments have long since overtaken their legal counterparts here.

This fact was further emphasised by the media coverage garnered by a feature on Today FM’s Ray D’Arcy Show last week.

Mr D’Arcy condemned the State for failing to legislate on issues surrounding IVF treatment – something the UK did in 1990. "I think on this occasion the law is an ass," he said.

The host made the comments following an emotional interview with a listener who told him she had wanted to use her late husband’s sperm to have children, but was informed it would be destroyed.

The sperm was stored in the Human Assisted Reproduction Ireland Clinic in Dublin’s Rotunda Hospital since the man was diagnosed with cancer in 2010 and advised he may be unable to conceive following treatment.

Upon making his donation, he had to sign a contract that stated his sperm would be destroyed if he died.

Following a public outcry, managers at the clinic agreed to meet the woman in an attempt to resolve the issue.

Another listener rang in and told a very similar story, but with an ending that did lead to their destruction of her late husband’s sperm and, with it, her dreams of a child.

HARI’s Ray Skelly appeared on a later edition on the programme and admitted the current legal situation is a “dog’s dinner”.

He stated that posthumous sperm use should be possible in certain cases and legislation needs to be put in place in order to “reflect the changes in Irish society”.

Recommendations on the subject from 2005 have never been acted on.

The area of reproductive rights is obviously an extremely sensitive one, but the failure of successive governments to implement any form of legislative framework is shameful and indicative of the reactive, not proactive, stance taken by so many of our public representatives.

Our red light may not turn green any time soon, but it should at least start flashing amber – on a number of lanes.



Global abortion rates are available here.

Fr Ted and the Central Bank: From one Irish institution to another

Image c/o Fr Ted Memes

“THIS DEBT is large, but that debt is far away.”

Flippancy aside, this comment pretty accurately sums up the promissory note situation in Ireland as it stands.

Unfortunately, it’s quite unlikely paraphrasing Fr Ted quotes will aid in simplifying any other aspects of Irish-European politics. Although, after the week we’ve had, little would surprise the electorate.

Following on from last week’s agreement with the European Central Bank (ECB), the Government no longer has to spend the next decade paying €3.06 billion annually in promissory notes. Instead, they – or rather Irish taxpayers – will repay long-term bonds between 2038 and 2053.

Taoiseach Enda Kenny described the deal, which was facilitated by the early morning liquidation of the Irish Bank Resolution Corporation (IBRC) last Thursday, as “an historic step on the road to economic recovery”.

Some commentators have agreed, pointing to the fact that it will gift the Government with an extra €1 billion come Budget time and aid our exit from the bailout programme. Today’s announcement that ratings agency Standard & Poor’s has upgraded its outlook on the Irish economy from ‘negative’ to ‘stable’ would certainly appear to attest to the latter.

However, others have denounced the agreement, saying our public representatives have sold us out and placed increased levels of debt, albeit with a lower interest rate, on the next generation. What was originally banking debt is now sovereign debt – it’s ours for keeps.

Economist David McWilliams has warned that the Irish deal will be one of the factors that feed the ever-growing European bond market bubble until it bursts.

“We know that you never make a balance sheet with too much debt better with yet more debt. You make it better with less debt.

“Countries with huge debt/GDP ratios – such as Ireland – which add to their national debt in a cavalier way, will default in huge and dramatic fashion,” he stated.

Mr McWilliams believes an Irish default would not lead to us being cut off by the ECB – citing Greece as proof of this fact.

So where do we go from here? It seems as though many members of the general public believe we have little or no control over how our money is spent.

Tens of thousands of people attended marches protesting the debt burden over the weekend. Large crowds gathered in Dublin, Galway, Cork, Limerick, Sligo and Waterford to voice their disapproval of austerity measures.

The protests were organised by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU) long before the debt deal was reached, but the date on which they were held proved to be extremely timely. At the Dublin-based protest, ICTU General Secretary David Begg stated that the fact Irish people are paying 42 per cent of the European banking debt burden was unfair.

People are undoubtedly frustrated and somewhat ‘out of the loop’ regarding the series of events that surrounded the promissory note deal.

Given that it is the European Year of Citizens and Ireland currently holds the presidency of the EU Council, one might have hoped that greater levels of communication with the public would have been evident.

The liquidation of the IBRC (formerly Anglo Irish Bank and Irish Nationwide) was all very cloak-and-dagger. However, it is true that the lead up to such events cannot be publicly shared for obvious financial reasons.

Finance Minister Michael Noonan said he was forced into passing the necessary legislation overnight on 6 February last due to leaks by Bloomberg.  He admitted the process had almost happened on a number of occasions in recent months, to the shock of some 800 IBRC employees.

On the day the promissory note deal was announced, Minister Noonan was interviewed on Pat Kenny’s RTÉ radio show. The pair had quite a jovial conversation about the legality, or lack thereof, of the deal.The minister described the initial deal that was put in place by the previous government three years ago as “totally” illegal. 

At this point, the men traded chuckles and agreed that there’s an element of truth in the opinion that many things in the EU “are illegal until someone does them and then they become OK”.  Hilarious stuff.

This admission gives credence to Mr McWilliams’ assertion that “The ECB was created by politicians” and “will be brought to heel by politicians”. 

Is our government one of a growing number of institutions that is seeking credit for cleaning up a mess they created in the first place?

As an electorate, are we powerless to stand up to our politicians and have our voices heard? As a nation, are we powerless to do the same to our counterparts in Europe?

Is Mario Draghi our Bishop Brennan? Is long-term debt the legacy we want to leave to the next generation? Perhaps it’s our collective attitude that needs a kick up the arse.


This article was also published in Student Independent News, NUI Galway's student newspaper, and on EuropeanMovement.ie, Campus.ie and TheDailyShift.ie.

Youth Media & the Irish Presidency: Vulnerable Families – What can Europe do?

Closing Plenary, Vulnerable Families Conference.
Photo: Órla Ryan

A CONFERENCE jointly organised by the Confederation of Family Organisations in the European Union (COFACE) and the Irish Countrywomen's Association (ICA).

Location: Dublin City Hall

Date: 5 February

Day 2 Summary

"I'm the world's biggest loser: I lost my place in the workforce; my friends; my social life; my pension rights; €12 of my carer's allowance - take any more and I'll lose my mind."

These were the last words the audience heard from the Head of Living Conditions at Eurofound during the Closing Plenary of the conference. By sharing this quote from an Irish carer, Richard Anderson also shared an insight into how difficult a carer's life can be.

"Research in Europe points consistently to carers of dependent children, adults or elderly relatives as particularly at risk of low income, of lack of information, of illness, isolation and basically invisibility for policy and practitioners, and these are the essential problems to which we need to respond and ask what contribution the European agenda can bring.

" . . . Many carers today are exposed to poverty and exclusion because they are not able to reconcile their care responsibilities with employment, and the alternative to employment is social benefits and public assistance which, as we all know across member states, are being challenged by austerity measures," Mr Anderson stated.

He spoke of the need to ensure the dignity of both those who require care and the carers themselves, adding that the EU has a responsibility to recognise carers in terms of legislation and support.

Carers were just one of a number of vulnerable groups discussed at the event.

The initial section of Day 2 was split into four breakout forums:

- Vulnerability due to ill health, mental health issues, disability, care;

- Extreme vulnerability - families outside of the reach of services;

- Vulnerability due to joblessness and lack of skills;

- Parenting support services.

These sessions included speakers from several Irish and European bodies including One Family (Ireland), Väestöliitto (the Family Federation, Finland) and SOS Children's Villages International (Austria).

"Extreme vulnerability stems from non-recognition, lack of visibility and stigma"

- William Lay (former director of COFACE), Chair of Extreme Vulnerability Talk

This session centred on Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender families; migrant families and women (both documented and undocumented); Roma families and those at risk of or experiencing homelessness.

Moninne Griffith, Director of Marriage Equality, gave a presentation on the vulnerability of LGBT families in Ireland.

"The Irish Constitution only recognises families based on marriage, so all the various diverse families that exist - be they of foster families, carers, families with different relatives caring for children - unfortunately don't fit that description and therefore are outside the scope of  protection and are exposed to extra vulnerability, and that includes LGBT families," Ms Griffith asserted.

She said the Civil Partnership legislation that was introduced here in 2011 "ignored the fact that many same sex couples have children" and "created a legal vacuum for these families". Marriage Equality's 'Missing Pieces' report highlights 160 statutory differences between civil partnership and marriage.

"Irish laws and public policy have not kept up with the changing reality of Irish families and largely ignore the children being raised by a parent or parents who are LGBT," Ms Griffith added. 

Discrimination and the failure of health services to recognise the statuses of such families were listed as other areas of particular concern in this regard.

In terms of migrant families and women, Elvira Mendez of Salud y Familia (Health and Family, Spain) stated that "second chances are crucial" when people seek help.

This sentiment was echoed by Ruth Owen of Feantsa (the European Federation of National Organisations Working with the Homeless). The group's 2012 Report 'On the Way Home?' analysed the main trends regarding homelessness in 21 countries over the past five years. Ireland was one of a number of member states that noted an increase in homelessness in three key demographics: youth, immigrants and women.

In the post-presentation discussion, Gráinne Healy, Chairperson of Marriage Equality and former Chair of the National Women's Council of Ireland, noted the intersectionality between the vulnerable groups in question and spoke of the moral imperative of protecting adults and children alike.

The current situation in the EU, and indeed beyond, was succinctly summarised by the President of COFACE, Annemie Drieskens, at the close of the conference: "Even with our best intentions and political will, so far we have failed to prevent further impoverishment." She listed growing inequality and youth unemployment as illustrations of this and described the latter as  a "ticking time bomb for societal change never seen before".

Should this bomb detonate, it will no doubt be the most vulnerable that will once again bear the brunt of the catastrophic consequences. As a union, we must act at every level - from grassroots to policy making - to ensure it is our services and support systems for such families, not this explosive device, that remain viable.


This article also appears on the European Movement Ireland website.

‘I’m a Feminist – Period.’

Image c/o the Irish Feminist Network

VITAL INSTRUMENT of equality or dirty word? Órla Ryan talks to Colette Fahy of the Irish Feminist Network to see where the movement is at in 2013. 

“I think it’s really important that people use that word (feminism) proudly and say ‘Yeah, I am a feminist’, instead of ‘I’m a feminist, but blah blah blah . . .’ “

Being a feminist is not something a person should have to defend, regardless of gender. The term was once synonymous with bra burning and an aversion to razors and the male species. However, Colette Fahy is confident the time is right to reclaim it from this misappropriation.

She acknowledges that “[Feminism] has become an uncool word”, but feels this is set to change. “Irish feminism is really going through a nice kind of Renaissance now,” she says, adding that its true meaning of gender equality is once again coming to the fore.

 “I think women and girls and men are realising something has to be done and it can be done,” she states. “You can lobby your government and you can make a difference and it’s really, really exciting to be involved in feminism at the moment.”

Ms Fahy thinks the recent groundswell of support for the Irish Feminist Network (IFN) is, in part, due to the case of Savita Halappanavar bringing women’s rights to the fore. Ensuring the government follow through with implementing legislation for the X Case is one of the organisation’s top priorities this year.

Another issue the IFN is focusing on is the ‘Turn Off The Red Light’ campaign to end prostitution and sex trafficking in Ireland. Ms Fahy maintains that female objectification in the media is doing little to help such problems. “It relegates women to this box of being sexual objects and it’s not a good representation of all the many, various roles they take in life and public life and politics as well,” she says.

“As a society, we need to face up to the fact that [sexual assault] is a big problem. I know people don’t really like talking about it, but it is a big problem and we need to support women who have been survivors of sexual violence.

 “Very few women would come forward in cases of sexual assault or rape . . . and there’s a huge stigma around it.” She notes how difficult it is for women to bring their case to the courts due to the very low convictions rates here.

Ms Fahy is extremely worried about Irish attitudes to rape. She cites the culture of “victim blaming” in incidences of sexual assault as an area of particular concern.  “If someone is robbed you don’t say, ‘Oh well, you were walking around with your wallet on you’,” she adds.

She feels the use of rape as a “punch line” and throwaway terms such as ‘fraping’ in relation to Facebook are indicative of Ireland’s somewhat blasé attitude to a horrific crime.

Ms Fahy believes complacency has led to many societal problems in this country, one of them being the lack of women in the “boys’ club” that is the Dáil – less than 15 per cent.  “We can’t just sit here and hope that it’ll fix itself, so things like quotas and the work of the 50:50 group, who actively encourage women . . . in politics, are really important.”

She says that in order to obliterate the glass ceiling, change has to come “from the top down”. Once this sexist culture has ceased, she feels quotas will no longer be necessary as it will then be second nature for women to become politicians if they so wish.

She muses that both the objectification of women in the media and the lack of female contributors in politics and business can have an extremely detrimental effect on young girls’ confidence.

Mary Robinson echoed these sentiments at NUI Galway last week. The former President of Ireland spoke of her disappointment regarding the relative lack of progress made by women in politics since she left office over fifteen years ago. "In some ways, things have gone well and in other ways, it's surprising that they have not gone better," she told student journalists.

 “I thought that we were on a clearer path to women taking their full place [in politics] . . . actually it hasn't happened. There are struggles now that younger women have to fight.”

Mrs Robinson feels that a lack of confidence may have restricted women from progressing further in politics. "Be confident in your ability, know that your country will be better served by all of you reaching your full potential," she advises.

The champion of women’s rights admitted she was reluctant to describe herself as a feminist during her presidency, for fear of being pigeon-holed. She said being “bracketed” as a feminist may have led to a loss of credibility in certain circles.

Such an admission from one of the world’s most highly respected public figures surely augers well for the future of feminism. Whether Renaissance or reclamation – who cares? Let’s all just fess up to the ‘f’ word.

Further details on the Irish Feminist Network can be found here.


This article also appears on Campus.ie and TheDailyShift.ie.

Ireland will emerge from crisis stronger – Mary Robinson

Student Journalists Órla Ryan and Seán Dunne
pictured with Mary Robinson at NUI Galway. 

FORMER PRESIDENT Mary Robinson has said that Ireland will emerge stronger than ever from the current economic crisis. 

"I think Ireland has benefited from a very tough lesson. We recognise that this is the toughest time we've been through in modern Ireland. It's hurting people terribly, but we will come through stronger and I hope we will come through fairer, with a real sense of what Ireland itself can achieve," Ms Robinson stated.

She acknowledged that Ireland is going through "another wave" of emigration, something she feels the country can use to renew itself.

She noted that modern emigration is different in that young people "know that they want to come back and be more equipped for the modern Ireland".

"We need to be a country that these young people want to come back to and that's the challenge for the rest of us."

Speaking exclusively to student journalists at NUI Galway yesterday, she also revealed her upset regarding the recent surge in youth suicides.

"I find it very very distressing that so many young people in Ireland don't feel that sense of hope in themselves, that sense of potential," she said.

Ms Robinson alluded to her work with the Elders, a human rights advocacy group founded by Nelson Mandela, where members are encouraged to tell young people they are the future, "not in a glib way, but in a really affirming way".

She urged all parents and grandparents to tell young people "there are difficulties but we believe in you, we have faith in you, we actually want to support you".

Ms Robinson also spoke of her disappointment regarding the relative lack of progress made in terms of women in politics since she left office over fifteen years ago. "In some ways, things have gone well and in other ways, it's surprising that they have not gone better."

She feels that a lack of confidence may have restricted young women from progressing further in politics. "Be confident in your ability, know that your country will be better served by all of you reaching your full potential," she advised.

Ms Robinson was in NUI Galway to give a public interview on her life and work.

- by Órla Ryan and Seán Dunne

A version of this article appeared on the Irish Independent website, in The Connacht Tribune and in Student Independent News, NUI Galway's student newspaper.

Youth Media & the Irish Presidency: EU - Engaging with our Union

Viviane Reding, Vice-President of the European Commission,
speaking at the Citizens' Dialogue in Dublin. Photo: Dave Nowak

WE LIVE in an age where unprecedented levels of political connection are possible, and not just in terms of technology. Despite this, many people feel disconnected from their public representatives at local, national and international level. In modern democracies, the encouragement of citizen engagement with politicians has become an increasingly common feature.

In 2012, the President of the European Commission, José Manuel Barroso, called for a broad debate between officials and citizens of the European Union. There are over 500 million citizens in the EU. Successfully bringing together a pool of people diverse enough to truly represent this community is quite an undertaking, before one even begins to factor in the element of productive discussion with a view to policy formation.

Since September of last year, five 'Citizens' Dialogues' have taken place throughout Europe, the most recent of these being held in Dublin City Hall on 10 January. This series of public-politician forums, entitled 'A Debate on the Future of Europe', will continue until the end of 2013. These dialogues coincide with the EU's Year of Citizens, the 40th anniversary of Ireland's accession to the European Economic Community and our six-month presidency of the Council of the EU.

The formula is seemingly straightforward: a moderator oversees a Question and Answer session between members of the public and Viviane Reding, Vice-President of the European Commission. The audience size varies from 200-500 people. An indigenous politician is also present for questioning - in the Irish instance, State Minister for European Affairs, Fine Gael's Lucinda Creighton, TD.

At the Citizens' Dialogue in Dublin, the debate was split into three sections: the current economic crisis, the rights of European citizens and the future of the EU - in particular, where we hope to be in 2020. Topics covered included the possibility of an EU banking union and Minister for Finance, austerity budgets that target the most vulnerable, restructuring of the promissory note deal, unlinking bank debt and sovereign debt, youth unemployment, retirement age, climate change, gender inequality and the pay gap, discrimination against individuals and smaller EU countries, active citizenship and the idea of a 'human rights scoreboard' for member states.

A multifarious list, but one that merely scratches the surface of our Union. Minister Creighton stressed the inclusive nature of the EU at the forum, saying: "Every Irish citizen, every one of the citizens of all member states and candidate countries have a right to influence the direction of our union - to improve it, to make it better for the future."

Only a small fraction of those present got to ask their question. This is far from ideal but, logistically, was somewhat unavoidable. Such events cannot provide a portrait of the EU, rather a snapshot - but, the process of citizen engagement has to start somewhere. One issue to consider in terms of choosing the audience is that those who apply to attend are often people who are already interested in politics. This leads to a continuous cycle of the same faces, the same voices and the same sense of disconnect felt by those on the political periphery.

One can easily become disillusioned with politics and the seemingly impenetrable mound of bureaucracy that surrounds it. Vice President Reding stated that 69 per cent of EU citizens believe their voices don't count. What so for this silent majority? Are such debates simple posturing, no more than lip service?

This disengagement could well be one of the contributing factors to the steady decrease in voter turnout since the first direct European elections took place in 1979. General turnout in the last elections in 2009 stood at 43 per cent¹. The findings of a Europe-wide survey from 2010 show over eight in ten citizens believe this figure would increase if voters received more information on the programmes and objectives of European Parliament candidates and how political parties' programmes impact on people's daily lives².

In 2012 the European Commission undertook its largest ever public consultation, surveying almost 12,000 European citizens about their experiences with EU rights. Ms Reding admitted that almost seven in ten European citizens don't know what their rights are. The Commission website includes information on rights, but citizens have expressed their desire to receive information from other platforms, most notably television (52 per cent); social networking websites (49 per cent) and 'Europedia' - an online discussion forum (34 per cent). One in ten citizens felt there was no need for extra information to be shared³.

'Politicians are Listening'

As a politician from Luxembourg, the EU's smallest state, Ms Reding regularly speaks directly to citizens and would like to see this process replicated across the continent and Union at large. ". . . Something which has bothered me at European level is that we are making too many big speeches, instead of going out and looking the citizens in the eye and asking them their opinion." She added that the EU should involve citizens in the entire decision making process, not just present them with a policy in its final form. " [The Citizens' Dialogue series] is the beginning of a new adventure together . . . where politicians are listening," she assured.

At the close of the public discussion, Minister Creighton acknowledged that many changes and reforms are needed within the EU as it "certainly isn't perfect". She maintained that the Union must acknowledge its deficiencies and strengths alike in order to better itself. As a follow-up to the Citizens' Dialogue in the capital, her office will organise a number of regional debates across Ireland where individuals, civil society organisations and NGOs can voice their opinions in a similar fashion. Minister Creighton also spoke of the need to improve accountability, democracy and engagement at European level. She said that genuinely involving citizens in the political process would be a challenge, but one that would be met. "The evolution of Europe and Ireland's place in Europe is an ongoing process," she added.

Unprecedented change has occurred in both Ireland and the EU since our marriage 40 years ago. Whatever the next four decades will entail, one thing is for certain: citizen engagement is vital. Citizens' Dialogues are a step in the right direction on a very long journey. Whether or not they will lead to tangible results: time will tell.


References:

¹ EU Citizenship Report 2010: 'Dismantling the obstacles to EU citizens' rights'
² Eurobarometer Qualitative Survey: 'European Union Citizenship: Cross-Border Mobility' (August 2010; as listed in EU Citizenship Report 2010)
³ EU Citizens' Agenda: Public Consultation on EU Citizenship (2012 European Commission survey of 11,598 European citizens)

More information on the European Year of Citizens is available here.


This article also appears on the European Movement Ireland website and in Student Independent News, NUI Galway's student newspaper.

Clientelist Culture - Holding Back Ireland's Political Policies?

Image c/o Broadsheet.ie

THE IRISH political system is littered with oddities - before one even begins to discuss individuals. Some of these anomalies have led to the culture of clientelism that exists in our country. TDs have two roles - firstly that of legislator and, secondly, local dignitary and promoter. In Irish eyes, the latter is usually deemed more important.

Political parties often choose to contest an election on local issues¹, to the detriment of policy formation and legislation. And who could blame them? From 1922-1997, 34 per cent of TDs who lost their seats did so to a running mate. Our electoral system - Proportional Representation by means of a Single Transferable Vote in a Multi-Seat Constituency (PR-STV) - pits members of the same party against each other. Given the fact they cannot differentiate themselves from their peers on ideological issues, they must do so in terms of constituency work. In the 2002 General Election, the 14 Independent seats went to candidates who argued that their constituencies were not receiving enough government funding, particularly in terms of the ever-emotive area of health services.²

Clientelism exists for a number of reasons. Ireland's colonial background has created a history of alienation from central government, stemming back to British Rule. The urban-rural divide or 'us and them' mentality is also a factor in this regard. In the 1960s Basil Chubb, one of the first political commentators of the modern era, stated: "For generations, Irish people saw that, to get the benefits the public authorities bestow, the help of a man with connections and influence was necessary. All that democracy has meant is that such a man has been laid on officially, as it were, and is now no longer a master but a servant."³

Article 16.2.6 of the 1937 Irish Constitution states that a TD can represent a maximum of 30,000 citizens. One might assume that this relatively small ratio would enable politicians to spend the majority of their time focusing on their primary role of legislator. This, however, is not the case. The scale of society means that TDs can hold up to four 'clinics' a week, where they listen to the grievances of their constituents and, essentially, are asked for favours.

Many people still hold the opinion that one must know someone with "pull" in order to receive the State benefits they are entitled to. However, politicians often access facilities rather than provide them. They have experience of dealing with our particular brand of bureaucracy and know how to navigate the often complex maze that is Irish red tape. Meticulous applications for planning permission and social welfare benefits could well be as effective, if not more so, than supposed political intervention. Whether or not TDs actually exercise any influence on a decision that affects their constituency, or a member of it, is much debated. It has been claimed that they rarely objectively impact such decisions but merely create imaginary patronage through an "illusion of assistance" aided by advance knowledge of the outcome.³

This type of activity is systemic and cabinet ministers are seemingly as prone to engage in the process of brokerage as their lesser-known peers. The resignation of the Junior Minister for Health, Labour's Róisín Shortall, in September - over what she labelled "stroke politics" by Minister for Health James Reilly - highlighted this fact. Two locations in his north Dublin constituency were added to a list of places chosen for primary care centres on the evening before they were announced by the Government. The HSE and Ms Shortall had drawn up a priority list of locations in terms of need for the service. On it, Balbriggan ranked 44th and Swords was placed in 130th position. There were 36 locations on the final list. Despite near constant allegations, Mr Reilly has repeatedly denied localism played a part in the last minute additions. Last week's austere budget has deflected some attention from this particular issue but the argument still rumbles on.

Clientelism keeps politicians in touch with local issues but, unfortunately, its negative consequences far outweigh the positive ones. Clientelism disorganises the poor and vulnerable in society as it prevents them from grouping together and attempting to bring about real social and political change.³ It increases resentment and a feeling of exclusion for those who disagree with or do not engage in the practice.³ It also makes it extremely difficult for new politicians to break through and pump much needed fresh blood into the body of the Irish government.³

President Michael D Higgins previously stated that clientelism "seriously sells us short and distracts attention from the real basis of economic exploitation, political domination and ideological manipulation in Irish society".³ It seems that the process, like many contentious Irish political issues, isn't going away any time soon. Perhaps if our elected representatives spent more time dealing with their primary role of policy making, better decisions - both in terms of investment and cutbacks - might be made.


References:

¹ Adshead, M and Tonge, J (2009) Politics in Ireland, Palgrave Macmillan
² Gallagher, M; Marsh, M and Mitchell, P (2003) How Ireland Voted 2002, Palgrave Macmillan
³ Higgins, MD (2008) Causes for Concern: Irish Politics, Culture and Society, Liberties Press

Ireland's Children: Second Class Citizens?

c/o Barnardos.it

THE ERA of treating Ireland's children as "second class citizens" could and should soon be over. 

This is the view of Fergus Finlay, CEO of Barnardos and long-time children's rights activist, on the upcoming Children's Referendum. Mr Finlay is one of the most vociferous supporters of the referendum.

He feels the constitutional amendment, if ratified, will aid in ending the current situation in Irish society whereby children are often treated as sub-par members of the community. 

He is firmly of the belief that such a referendum is long overdue and he admits to being continually frustrated by "the notion of a society that pays lip service to equality". He made the comments while speaking at NUI Galway this week.

The amendments to the Constitution proposed in the referendum aim to ensure that all children are recognised in their own right; protected from abuse and neglect; and will benefit from equal rights and protections, regardless of the marital status of their parents.

Mr Finlay is all too aware that parental neglect is by no means the only form of abuse faced by children.

He cites the Ryan and Murphy Commissions - both of which dealt with the sexual and physical abuse of children in Ireland at the hands of the Catholic Church - as evidence that the State is "adept at turning a blind eye" to the institutional and systematic abuse of children.

Barnardos, Ireland's leading children's charity, runs over 40 centres in local communities across the country, working with vulnerable children and their families. Their only direct facility for adults is the Barnardos Service for Survivors of Abuse.

The aforementioned reports are not alone in exposing state and institutional corruption. Mr Finlay notes the importance of the media in shining a light on the gross misconduct that permeated so many aspects of Irish culture for a prolonged period. 

He views the work of the late Mary Raftery as a prime example of the huge impact a journalist can have on societal change. Her documentaries for RTÉ - States of Fear (1999) and Cardinal Secrets (2002) - led to the setting up of the aforementioned commissions. In doing so, Mr Finlay feels they aided in bringing the 'kissing the ring' culture in Ireland to a halt, whereby the Government bowed before the Church in an unapologetic and widely unquestioned manner that led to the horrific abuse of approximately 100,000 children.

Barnardos is funded by the state to a "bog standard level", according to Mr Finlay. The organisation bridges the financial gap between the money they receive and the money they need through fundraising. In 2011, they recorded losses of €1.5 million, following a nine per cent decline in donations. Total revenue at the charity fell from €24 million to €23.9 million, while employee costs increased from €16.9 million to €17.1 million.

In a bid to save money, the charity closed all its services and put its staff on unpaid leave for one week last August. Mr Finlay has warned that the funding cuts being imposed across the NGO sector have the potential to do “untold damage” to vulnerable children and families.

It seems quite the juxtaposition that the State is attempting to improve the lives of its children with the referendum while concurrently cutting vital funding for the organisations that aim to end the chronic poverty in which many of them struggle to survive. Unfortunately, it seems likely that some of our young people will remain second class citizens for the foreseeable future.